Edwin Scrymgeour

Edwin Scrymgeour

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Edwin Scrymgeour was born in Dundee on 28th July 1866. He was educated at the West End Academy and later became actively involved in the Temperance Movement. He employed the trade unionist, Bob Stewart, as the party's full-time organiser on a wage of 27 shillings a week. One of his tasks was to edit the newspaper, The Prohibitionist.

Scrymgeour was eventually elected to Dundee Town Council. In 1908 he was joined on the council by Stewart. In his autobiography, Breaking the Fetters (1967), Stewart reported: "We certainly enlivened the Council meetings. The first night I took my seat we were both suspended for being offenders against decorum".

Later that year Winston Churchill stood at a by-election in Dundee. Scrymgeour stood as a representative of the Scottish Prohibition Party. At one meeting he said: "I feel deeply grateful to the Almighty God that has enabled the Prohibition Party to put me forward as the first British Prohibition candidate and look forward to another day when success will attend our efforts."

Despite the best efforts of Bob Stewart, who worked as his agent, he won only 655 votes. Stewart admitted "Scrymgeour and I had many differences in the election campaign. He dwelt too much on religion. He had a great advantage over all the other candidates because he had a mandate from God."

Stewart left the Scottish Prohibition Party in 1909 because he "could no longer stomach the religious prattlings of Scrymgeour and some of his adherents." Stewart and some of his left-wing friends now formed the Prohibition and Reform Party. Apart from the aim of achieving the complete National Prohibition its aims included: "The abolition of private ownership of the land and the means of manufacture, production and exchange, and the substitution of public of social ownership without compensation."

Scrymgeour retained the support of the trade union movement in Dundee and in the 1922 General Election, the Labour Party only supplied one candidate in the two-seat constituency. In this way Scrymgeour and Labour candidate E. D. Morel jointly ousted Winston Churchill. Scrymgeour therefore became the first MP to be elected for a prohibition party. Churchill's well-known opposition to the women's suffrage movement was a major factor in his defeat.

Scrymgeour was re-elected in the 1929 General Election with with 50,073 votes. Bottom of the poll was Bob Stewart who represented the Communist Party of Great Britain. He lost his seat in the 1931 General Election election, finishing in 4th place with 32,229 votes.

After leaving parliament Scrymgeour worked as an evangelical Chaplain at East House and Maryfield Hospital in Dundee.

Edwin Scrymgeour died on 1st February 1947.

Scrymgeour and I had many differences in the election campaign. He had a great advantage over all the other candidates because he had a mandate from God. His speech to the crowd after the announcement of the result was really heavenly: "I feel deeply grateful to the Almighty God that has enabled the Prohibition Party to put me forward as the first British Prohibition candidate and look forward to another day when success will attend our efforts." That speech was the beginning of the break in the Prohibition Party...

A year or so after the election the inevitable split came in the Prohibition Party. I could no longer stomach the religious prattlings of Scrymgeour and some of his adherents. A number of us broke away and formed the Prohibition and Reform Party.

Edwin Scrymgeour -->

Edwin Scrymgeour (28 July 1866 – 1 February 1947) was a British politician who served as a Member of Parliament (MP) for Dundee in Scotland. [1] He is the only person ever elected to the House of Commons on a prohibitionist ticket, as the candidate of the Scottish Prohibition Party. He was affectionately known as Neddy Scrymgeour. [2]

A native of Dundee, he was educated at West End Academy. He was a pioneer of the Scottish temperance movement and established his party in 1901 to further that aim. [1]

In 1896 he is listed as a clerk, living at 42 Kings Road in Dundee. [3]

He served on Dundee City Council and began contesting elections in the 1908 Dundee by-election, which saw Winston Churchill first elected for Dundee, and Scrymgeour continued to fight at every election thereafter and increased his vote. That was in part because of his popularity, generally left-wing sympathies and history with the labour movement. Churchill&aposs stance against suffragettes may have had an impact in a city that had many women as breadwinners and many men as "kettle-boilers" (househusbands). [4]

In 1910 he was living at 92 Victoria Road in Dundee. [5]

In the 1922 election, Scrymgeour and the Labour candidate, E. D. Morel, jointly ousted Winston Churchill, who had represented the city as a Liberal (to then a Coalition Liberal). [6] Scrymgeour remained an MP for Dundee until the 1931 general election, [1] when he was ousted by Florence Horsbrugh.

Out of Parliament, Scrymgeour worked as an evangelical Chaplain at East House and Maryfield Hospital in Dundee. [1] Scrymgeour was a leader of the unsuccessful opposition to disbanding the Scottish Prohibition Party in 1935.

Edwin Scrymgeour - History

Papers of Edwin Scrymgeour (E.S.) including:

Letter from Charles Dolan, Organising Secretary of Dundee Unemployed Labour League, asking E.S. to speak at meeting and enclosing an appeal, 1930

Correspondence regarding regulation of methylated spirits, 1923-4

Correspondence regarding jute workers' holidays, 1930

Letter from Jas. S. to E.S.: J.S. is on holiday in Kirriemuir "seeing so many of the favourite places of my own boyhood", 1880

Letter from M.J. Macdonald, Coupar Angus, to E.S. at 166 Perth Road, Dundee: congratulates him on his change of situation and increase in salary, 4 October 1889.

Letter from E.S. to Gershom Gourlay, engineer: E.S. seeks post as apprentice clerk had served two years of his apprenticeship with Messrs Edward Parker & Co., bag manufacturers*, when firm failed is 17 years old, has studied shorthand, 22 August 1883
("no vacancy" written at foot of letter as reply)

* G. & C. Scrymgeour were partners in firm

Letter from J.S. to E.S. ("Edwin Aiche"): encourages his son to cheer up and put his faith in God, "Cheer up Cheer up My boy Sing Psalms & Hymns & keep praying . " 1 November 1882

Letter from J.S. to E.S.: has voted quietly for Jn. Tulloch (standing for 6th Ward) - Willie and Harry Whitelaw's uncle George and Charles [Edward's brothers] are fighting for Doig (4th Ward), 7 November 1882

Letter from J.S. to E.S.: refers to family being hard up for money, "We will have a turkey for you although we should have to pawn the kitchen dresser!" if Charles could pay up "we would get you a Suit of Sabbath Clothes . " refers to E.S. taking note of gravestone inscriptions at Mo[se]ley, 17 November 1882

Letter from Norval S., writing from Meadow Works Manufactory, Dundee (Edw. Parker & Co.) to E.S. in London: refers to Doig standing for election, 3 November 1882

Letter from D. Deuchars, Superintendent, North British Railway Company, Edinburgh, to Chas. Scrymgeour who has been writing to him seeking a post for his brother, E.S.: D.D. suggests E.S. write himself as this would facilitate matters E.S. should state his experience in Caledonian Company's service will arrange to see him after he received E.S.'s application, 25 April 1902

Letter from Lizzie Macdonald and Douglas [Macdonald] at Joppa to E.S. c/o General Manager's Office, Caledonian Railway, Dundee, on personal matters, 1888

Letters from Albert Wall, Yorkshire, concerning his book on Tuberculosis and Alcoholism is seeking its publication, 1931

Edwin Scrymgeour

Edwin Scrymgeour (28 July 1866 – 1 February 1947), was a Member of Parliament (MP) for Dundee, Scotland. He is the only person ever elected to the House of Commons on a prohibitionist ticket as the candidate of the Scottish Prohibition Party.

A native of Dundee, he was educated at West End Academy. He was a pioneer of the Scottish temperance movement and established his party in November 1901 to further this aim. [ citation needed ]

He served on Dundee City Council and began contesting elections in the 1908 Dundee by election which saw Winston Churchill first elected for Dundee and continued to fight at every election thereafter, increasing his vote. In part this was because of his popularity, general left-wing sympathies and history with the labour movement. Churchill's stance against suffragettes may have had an impact in a city where many women were breadwinners, while many men were "kettle boilers". [ citation needed ]

In the 1922 election, Scrymgeour and Labour candidate E. D. Morel jointly ousted Winston Churchill, who had represented the city as a Liberal (at that point Coalition Liberal). Scrymgeour remained an M.P. for Dundee until the 1931 general election when he lost his seat to Florence Horsbrugh. [ citation needed ]

Out of Parliament Scrymgeour worked as an evangelical Chaplain at East House and Maryfield Hospital in Dundee. Scrymgeour was a leader of the unsuccessful opponents of disbanding the Scottish Prohibition Party in January 1935.

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Sir Dingle Mackintosh Foot QC

Sir Dingle Mackintosh Foot, QC (24 August 1905 – 18 June 1978) was a British lawyer, Liberal and Labour Member of Parliament, and Solicitor General for England and Wales in the first government of Harold Wilson. He was also a Privy Counsellor.

Education and career

Born in Plymouth, Devon, Foot was educated at Bembridge School, a boys' independent school on the Isle of Wight, and at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was President of the Oxford Union in 1928. Foot was admitted to the Honourable Society of Gray's Inn on 19 November 1925 and called to degree of utter Barrister by the Honourable Society of Gray's Inn on 2 July 1930. He became a Master Bencher in 1952 and was appointed to be one of Her Majesty's Counsel in 1954.[1] He had been in active practice after having qualified a Barrister of England both in England and in several Commonwealth countries. He was called to the Bar or admitted as a solicitor or practitioner in the following countries such as Ghana (1948), Sri Lanka (1951), Northern Rhodesia (1956), Sierra Leone (1959), Supreme Court of India (as a Senior Advocate) (1960), Bahrain (1962) and Malaysia (1964). He also appeared regularly in the Courts of Kenya, Uganda, Tangayika, Nyasaland and Pakistan. In addition, he had been regularly engaged in the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council since 1945.[2]

From 1931 to 1945 he was Liberal Member of Parliament (MP) for Dundee. He was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Economic Warfare in Winston Churchill's wartime coalition, and a member of the British delegation to San Francisco Conference in 1945. At the 1945 election he lost his seat to Labour.

At the 1950 general election, Foot defended the formerly Liberal seat of North Cornwall, following the defection of its member Tom Horabin to Labour in 1947, but he again lost, to Harold Roper (Conservative).

Foot left the Liberals and joined the Labour Party in 1956. He was Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957�. Following his appointment as Solicitor General in the first government of Harold Wilson, he was knighted and made a Privy Counsellor in 1964. He served in this post for almost 3 years, from 18 October 1964 until 24 August 1967, until he was replaced by Arthur Irvine following a major government reshuffle. In 1970 he was again defeated, this time by the Conservative candidate. His publications included Despotism in Disguise (1937) and British Political Crises (1976).

In the late 1940s and early 1950s Foot was often seen on BBC television as the moderator of the current affairs programme In the News. Often appearing with him were Michael Foot and Sir Bob Boothby.

Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, who was a solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac Foot was an active member of the Liberal Party and was Liberal Member of Parliament for Bodmin in Cornwall between 1922 and 1924 and again from 1929 to 1935, and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth.

Dingle Foot had four brothers: Michael, a prominent figure in the Labour Party and Leader of the Opposition from 1980 to 1983 John (Lord Foot), a Liberal politician Hugh (Lord Caradon), Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the United Nations and Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. He also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh's son, was the campaigning journalist Paul Foot.

Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich.

Leigh Rayment's Historical List of MPs [self-published source][better source needed] Jump up ^ Petition dated 27 April 1964 (Kuala Lumpur High Court Admission and Enrollment of Advocate & Solicitors No. 22 of 1964) Jump up ^ Affidavit of Dingle Mackintosh Foot affirmed on 17 August 1964 (Kuala Lumpur High Court Admission and Enrollment of Advocate & Solicitors No. 22 of 1964)

contributions in Parliament by Dingle Foot Parliament of the United Kingdom

Preceded by Michael Marcus Edwin Scrymgeour

Member of Parliament for Dundee 1931� With: Florence Horsbrugh

Succeeded by Thomas Cook John Strachey

Preceded by Richard Stokes Member of Parliament for Ipswich 1957�

Preceded by Sir Peter Rawlinson Solicitor General for England and Wales 1964�

Hail, Britannia

A couple of Questions, to do with Accra, Capeland and the post that will change due to the ascension of Accra to the UKE and the change to Capeland history to the original post on the Alternate History and maps thread.

When will Accra be acsend to the 31st Dominion of the UKE in timeline, and will it cause some updates to older post when does I.e. There are now 31 constitutent counties in the UKE not 30, UKE time zones map, etc, etc ?

As the monarchy of the state of Accra is a completely separate, at the very least on technical level, from the British Monarchy the ascension on Accra will be counted as separate Kingdom joining the United Kingdom and Empire, as such will it become the Thrid state to defined by the name Kingdom in the UKE using Virginia situation as pressident ?

With the ascension of Acsension of Accra, the number of Commonwealth realms becomes 7, with that I mind and the fact that Game of thrones (which I assuming exists in timeline) is based in the War of the Roses will there be any comparisons in timeline. ( The 7 Kingdoms of Briteros/Britannia/Britannic)

Also will there be a post on the Commonwealth realms as I am assuming that there level on cooperation between the realms will be greater than better the rest of the commonwealth, due to greater power of the Monarchy in this timeline I.e. Military exercises between the RN and the RCN (Royal Capeland Navy) etc?

How much of an effect will having Capeland as a Commonwealth realms instead of Commonwealth state have on the older posts due to the deeper relationship between Capeland and UKE that will now exist? For example, is Capeland apart of the Common travel area like Accra, are the Commonwealth states which border Capeland looking to become part of the UKE, Capeland or a Commonwealth realm because of the different situation in timeline, if Capeland was apart of the common travel area would the migrant crisis effected it greatly as it would have been a door way to the UKE and the European Union, if Capeland is apart of the CTA will the Southern Hemisphere parts of the UKE look to or have joined the CTA due to the decreased distance between them and the CTA, etc.

Turquoise Blue

A couple of Questions, to do with Accra, Capeland and the post that will change due to the ascension of Accra to the UKE and the change to Capeland history to the original post on the Alternate History and maps thread.

When will Accra be acsend to the 31st Dominion of the UKE in timeline, and will it cause some updates to older post when does I.e. There are now 31 constitutent counties in the UKE not 30, UKE time zones map, etc, etc ?


In world dominated by Monarchies, where Monarchies are seen as more stable than republics and no USA experiment existed.

The British Monarchy maybe ceremonial but it far more powerful than OTL. A meeting between the Queens ministers(prime minister) from her different realms could easily set up. Hell, it could be traditional that once per year all her ministers meet with her at the same for combined meetings which would make sense due the massive size of the UKE and Commonwealth.

The Queen in OTL has commonwealth incentives and I could see that trial runs of certain incentives could be done in the realms before going Commonwealth wide.

A Commonwealth realm by design has by far closer relationship with the UKE, than a Commonwealth state due to reasons such as culture, government structure and the relationship between head of state and the government being more or less the same.

The Monarchy in Hail Britannia is stability, relevant and powerful, it isn’t seen as a out dated institution with little to no function as it is seen to be OTL.

For example, there are rumours that once Queen Elizabeth dies that the Head of Commonwealth will not be Charles and that Australia will become a republic.

Hersey, of course but the rumours still exist.

Arthur Marston

Turquoise Blue

"Ugh, what does the Social Credit Party even agree on?"
- Prime Minister Jacob Koppel Javits (Con.) in 1967


Before the breakdown of British politics in the coming of Mixed-Member Proportional, in the days of the dominance of the Big Three, there was always a fourth choice. This fourth choice in a lot of areas were regionalists, and they continue to persist in their crusade to represent their countries in the Houses of Parliament today. Another option many would have, especially in more suburban and developed areas, were the Progressives - a party commonly seen as "more red than the Liberals, less than the SDP" and often championing minority causes overlooked by the establishment, such as civil rights. The Progressives still exist today as part of the SDP after a merger in the 1980s.

But if you didn't have a regionalist party worthy of credibility, or lived far away from the suburban lands of Progressive voters, and you wanted to send a message to the Big Three, there was a choice to you.

The general idea of Social Credit, as famously confusing as it was, boiled down to a simple sum "(wage paid to workers) + (price of goods needed) < (price that it had to be sold at to make a profit)". C. H. Douglas, the man who came up with Social Credit, argued that it ended up with workers being unable to afford the goods they made, and thus this caused poverty. This theory was especially popular in rural areas where farmers in the middle of the Great Depression were forced to realise that they sending their crops and lifestock to market would cost more than they would sell for.

Douglas came up with several policies that he argued would solve the sum, by ensuring workers had more capital to invest in the economy and ensure they would trade better, without turning to socialism. Douglas famously declared in the early 1930s, when a lot of Social Credit parties popped up all around the UE, that partisan politics was not the answer. Much to his dismay, his followers universally ignored his statement and continued to push for names on ballots and manifestos rolled out for Social Credit.

The 1935 imperial election was the first time an united Social Credit Party of Great Britannia rolled out. Led by Englishman John Hargrave, the idiosyncratic yet charismatic leader of the quasi-scouts pacifist Kindred of the Kibbo Kift, it performed very well, winning several seats in areas the Social Democrats and National Government were unpopular in, especially in rural British-American areas.

The first batch of Creditors in the Imperial Parliament was a motley bunch. All inspired by C. H. Douglas, but it was clear the interpretation was wildly different. Hargrave, seen as on the party's "left" for his die-hard pacifism and opposition to racism and sexism, was forced to apply a light whip to maintain party unity with the more conservative elements of the party. This would lead many comic satirists to resurrect an old Oscar Wilde joke to refer to the Social Credit Party

Lady Bracknell - "What is your politics?"
John Hargrave - "I've afraid I have none, I am a Social Creditor."

The 1937 election, called in the wake of the Abdication Crisis, almost wiped out the Social Credit Party before it established itself. Over its almost two years in Parliament by that point, the party split its votes for a lot of bills and consistently pushed for monetary reform that even with some interest, the other parties universally rejected. And their incoherent response to the Crisis meant that they lost a lot of their seats in the election, much to the secret delight of Sir Walter George who held a deep loathing for them.

Hargrave resigned in the aftermath of the election, and a balding, gruff pastor from the west took charge - William Aberhart (known to many as "Bible Bill" for his die-hard Christian views). Aberhart rejected Hargrave's light whip system, and rather oriented the party more around their economic policies, while emphasising "family values" and emphasising God, creating a perception that on social issues, Social Credit was the most conservative of the "significant parties" [SDP, Libs, Cons, Progs, SoCred].

The German-speaking Aberhart also created an unusual coalition of soft-regionalists by opposing the government's proposal for an universal education scheme, pointing out that it would "silence the many languages from our land". This would lead to the 1945 election returning some SoCred MPs from Alaska, Quebec, Acadiana and Florida, and in Scotland Edwin Scrymgeour, an independent Prohibitionist former MP won his seat on the Social Credit line before dying two years later and forcing a by-election the Creditors lost.

But Aberhart wouldn't live to see this, dying in 1943 in the midst of the war. The leadership went to an obscure Westralian MP who won his seat in an upset in 1937 and proved a rather uncontroversial choice - Charles North. North would prove a "silent workhorse" unlike Hargrave and Aberhart. A "moderate" in the party, he spent the next 13 years encouraging growth in Social Credit parties, no matter their inclinations. It was under his leadership that the Southron Credit Party was established, the Carolina branch of the SoCreds, and one very much focused on farmers and social evangelicalism. But he also oversaw the growth of the New Zealand Country Party as it shifted from orthodox theory to a more left-wing model.

Social Credit always had three streaks in it, the "reformists" which were on the party left and united monetary theory with social reforms, the "free-marketeers" which saw Social Credit as the best way to guard capitalism against the godless socialists and the far-right "Douglasites" which, well, thought that it would be the best way to stop the (((bankers))) from undermining the economy. North was a free-marketeer, yet he had the perhaps misguided idea of "no enemies under the Social Credit banner".

With outright fascist parties being banned after the Second World War, a lot of would-be far-right people joined the Social Credit Party instead, raising suspicion with many people. North in his long leadership would insist that all the reports of Social Credit MPs talking about stopping "Jewish banks" were nothing but exaggeration and anyway, when it was obviously true [aka politically toxic], he kicked the guilty MP out.

By the late 1950s, Social Credit was at a high. The SDP and Liberals were both facing a blowback from their long time in coalition, the Progressives was struggling and the Conservatives firmly on the centre ground with Robert Menzies. Things were looking good for the Social Credit Party. And then the 1959 election came. A huge Social Credit surge that saw them win almost 20% of the vote. Menzies declaring that he would offer the chance of "joining government to show the people what they can do" to the Social Creditors. North was by this time just retired, but he had a key part in negotiation.

The leader of the Social Credit Party by this time was Ernest Manning. Keenly ready to take the Creditors into government, he oversaw the silent "deprioritising" of many old monetary reform ideas, and instead replaced it with more social conservatism. This created an outcry with more die-hard monetary reformists on the party's left and far-right that threatened to bring down the second Menzies ministry before it started. Manning relented and Menzies ultimately ended up putting a National Dividend in his budget, one that strained relations with more laissez-faire Tories who saw Social Credit as just baloney.

This would be the start of the party's troubles. The luxury of Opposition meant that the party could be as incoherent as it needed to be, and still broadly get away with it if they put on an united face at campaign time. The heat of government hurt their appeal and once Jacob Javits took over, he called a snap election which he hoped would deal with the Creditors for good. Unfortunately for both Javits and Social Credit, the arithmetic that emerged, even with a much shrunk Social Credit Party, only offered one possible coalition choice what with the Liberals very much unwilling to join the Tories and the SDP, well, the purple coalition was still very much unthinkable in 1964. Manning ended up, after much grievances with well, Javits' not being Protestant [that's a big understatement], agreeing to a continuation of the coalition.

Javits was an One Nation Tory who found that he could agree very much with the left of the Social Credit Party, but he very much despised the hard-right for being "Nazis in green shirts". Much to Manning's displeasure, Javits could be found chatting with the Social Credit Party's left-wing "Fellowship" MPs [of people such as the young wunderkind Bruce Beetham and long-time activist and military officer John Loverseed] more than with the Social Credit Party's establishment. The thing that brought down the Javits ministry was civil rights. A Jew from New York, Javits always held civil rights as a cause he would champion, and plenty of Fellowship MPs would applaud him, but the SoCred establishment as a whole insisted on "dominion rights".

Part of Manning's willingness to go hardline on this was his worry that the SoCreds would be increasingly competed on the right by the rising newly-created Heritage Party that in the last Carolina election, wiped out the Southron Credit Party to just one sole seat. Javits called a vote of confidence in his government, to test just how much Manning would go on this, and ended up losing it as the right-wing of the Creditors as well as the right-wing Tories sided with the Opposition to bring down his government.

The 1968 election was unforgiving to the Social Credit Party. Shackled with a government that was being seen as pro-civil rights, yet voted to bring it down due to their opposition to such, both left and right voters abandoned Social Credit. The Fellowship MPs increasingly became more and more a separate party and more tied with environmentalism and human rights, while the more die-hard soc-cons quickly defected to the Heritage Party.

And Aberhart's regionalist coalition shattered as Manning's statements on faith led to a split on religious lines as Real Caouette took the non-Protestant free-marketeers out to form the second Independent Social Credit Party, but he later labelled it "Democratic Party for Social Credit", leading to the 68 election being even more of a massacre than it would have been otherwise. The 1969 leadership election was between the Fellowship champion Sir John Loverseed and a moderate free-marketeer Missourian by the name of Al Quie. Quie narrowly won, and the Fellowship MPs left to form the Fellowship Party, which was for most of the 70s heavily reliant on the Progressives' support to get in Parliament, and by 1980 stood alone for the first time under a new name and a new identity [and getting burgeoning dominion Green parties' support in the process] - the Green Party.

Quie was a believer in monetary reform theory, but he was still a Conservative and was indeed just elected as one. This led to some grumbling with the die-hard purists who felt that decades moving away from Douglas' theory has undermined the party. And of course, some on the party's far-right [that haven't left for Heritage] insisted that this was because (((bankers))) have interfered with the party. Quie, full well knowing the Social Credit Party was tainted, reached out to Caouette's Democrats and proposed a "Confederation of Regions". Monetary theory would of course still be in the party, but the rebrand would allow the party to refound itself on a new, more coherent ground. Caouette accepted.

Some bitter die-hard people went and founded the Continuity Social Credit Party, but once all the important Social Credit parties by that time accepted the merger, they became irrelevant. The Confederation of Regions would increasingly become more and more a party for rural interests and social conservatism as Douglas' theories were left on the shelf, gathering dust, and when the party rebranded as the Populist Alliance for Democracy, the book was burnt.

However, it would have a legacy as some people remember the 1960s and the days of the National Dividend [before it was repealed sharpish by the SDP government before the economy started to tank as a result], so by the 2010s, when a young fresh-faced Asian-British chap started talking about bringing back the National Dividend, but doing it "right" this time, as a "Citizens' Dividend" and doing it as Universal Basic Income, those people certainly listened.

Leaders of the Social Credit Party of Great Britannia
John Hargrave (England, Great Britain) 1935-1937
William Aberhart (Alberta, Canada) 1937-1943*
Charles North (Westralia) 1943-1956
Ernest Manning (Alberta, Canada) 1956-1969
Al Quie (Minnesota, Missouri) 1969-1971 ​

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Serving as his adjutant was Major Andrew Dewar Gibb MBE QC, then a captain, who went on to become a founder and leader of the SNP (1936-40). He also served with Archibald Sinclair, another Scot, who went on to lead the Liberals (1935-45).

In 1924, Dewar Gibb released a book, published anonymously as Captain X, about his time with Churchill in the trenches. Re-released in 2016, titled With Winston Churchill at the Front, Winston in the Trenches 1916, it had a foreword by Randolph Churchill, Winston's great-grandson, and an introduction by Dewar Gibb's son, Nigel, now 88 and living in Glasgow.

It is Andrew Dewar Gibb who first records Churchill saying the three most important things he received from Scotland were his wife, his constituency, and his regiment.

Gibb concluded: “I am firmly convinced that no more popular officer ever commanded troops. As a soldier he [Churchill] was hard-working, persevering, and thorough. He is a man who is apparently always to have enemies.

“He made none in his old regiment, but left behind him there men who will always be his loyal partisans and admirers, and who are proud of having served in the Great War under the leadership of one who is beyond question a great man.”

In 2016, to mark the centenary of their family serving together, Randolph and Nigel went to Ploegsteert – or "Plugstreet" as the soldiers called it – near Ypres in Belgium.

Of their family association, Randolph said: "Whatever the political debates of today, they have no bearing on an objective view of history. My great-grandfather had a plethora of connections to Scotland, her politicians, her institutions, and her people. He was quite correct when he said he owed Scotland his wife, his constituency and his regiment."

Both men warn of Churchill falling out of Scottish public knowledge. Two plaques to his time in Dundee were erected in 2008, and there is a portrait of him by Sir James Guthrie in the Scottish National Portrait Gallery in Edinburgh. Otherwise, there are merely a handful of busts around the country including a miniature sculpture in Glasgow's Kelvingrove Museum.

Churchill was first elected Liberal MP for Dundee in 1908. In the same year, he married Clementine Hozier, a granddaughter of the tenth Earl of Airlie. He finally lost his seat to Edwin Scrymgeour in 1922 – Britain's first, and last, prohibitionist Member of Parliament (another irony, perhaps).

In 1912, Churchill was among the first senior British politicians to call for Scottish home rule and UK federalism. He had also received his first government appointment from Scottish Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman in 1906. He was close friends with the former Prime Minister Lord Rosebery, a highly regarded Scottish politician in his time.

Churchill's four Scottish secretaries of state during the Second World War represented all of the major parties of the day. Scots like John Martin, Churchill's private secretary, helped him win it. He was even close friends with Harry Lauder. Churchill knew and understood Scots and to believe he didn't is foolishness.

In a speech in Edinburgh in 1950, Churchill warned that centralised socialism threatened the very being of the Union. Incredibly, he added: “If England became an absolute Socialist state… ruled only by politicians and their officials in the London offices, I personally cannot feel Scotland would be bound to accept such a dispensation.”

He continually acknowledged efforts to establish Scottish Home Rule. John MacCormick's Covenant for a Scottish Parliament achieved two-million signatures. James Stuart, as chairman of the Scottish Unionist Members of Parliament, responded: "If the people of Scotland were ultimately to decide in favour of a Scottish Parliament, no one could gainsay them."

As the leader of the opposition at the time, Churchill was unequivocal: "This letter expresses my own view, and there is nothing I can add to it."

Like every relationship, there is the sweet and the sour. But it's a hard thing to judge if social media is the go-to resource for half-remembered facts.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that in the case of David Laing, late private, No. 8,923, Royal Hussars, of Glen-craig, Fife, no mention was made in his medical history of any latent disease at the time of enlistment and why the Ministry, having accepted disability as aggravated and awarded a gratuity of 㿣, also providing later medical and surgical treatment, should now refuse to recognise this ex-soldier's wholly incapacitated condition prevalent since his discharge from hospital in March, 1927?

I have already explained fully to the hon. Member why the disease present in this case could at the utmost be found to have been only to a slight extent aggravated, not caused, by War service. The powers and duties of the Ministry in such a case extend only to the disablement which can properly be ascribed to the effects of War service, and the fact that in the man's interest a period of treatment was conceded by the Ministry cannot be pressed as a ground for the acceptance by the Ministry of the whole condition present in this case as due to War service when the history of the case shows that it was not so caused.

Edwin Scrymgeour - History

Being a student is a time that should be laced with singular thinking and perhaps a time for activism. At the University of Dundee precedent has certainly been set for that.

Episode Transcript

While many people say that Dundee has had a rebellious streak throughout its history, it&rsquos perhaps more true to say that it has embraced those who encourage radical or singular thought.

Being a student is a time that should be laced with singular thinking and perhaps a time for activism. At the University of Dundee precedent has certainly been set for that.

The first Principal of the independent University of Dundee was Professor James Drever.

Born in Edinburgh, Professor Drever was a lifelong academic, aside from service in the Royal Navy. Psychology was his discipline, succeeding his father as Professor of Psychology in Edinburgh in 1944. The department flourished under his leadership, but Drever also had a wider interest in how higher education was delivered.

He was appointed to the 1963 Committee on Higher Education chaired by Lionel Robbins, which, as one of its recommendations said that Queen's College, Dundee, should be a university.

So, in 1966, Drever was given the role of managing the transition as Master of Queen's College and the following year became the University of Dundee&rsquos first principal and vice-chancellor.

It was a difficult first few years and he had to deal with not only financial restrictions but student protest. Rather than maintaining a distance however, Drever lent some support to the student rent strike in 1973 as well as other protests. Most famously, he openly encouraged the opposition to a visit to the University by Enoch Powell in 1969.

He spent 11 years in office and guided and helped to shape the respected institution it is today.

The city has also produced political mavericks, with Edwin Scrymgeour the only MP who has ever sat in House of Commons as a member of the Scottish Prohibition Party.

The Dundonian established the party in 1901 to try and further his work in the temperance movement and served on the city council before looking towards Westminster and fighting elections, competing against the incumbent MP, Winston Churchill.

By 1922, he finally managed to unseat the increasingly unpopular Churchill and represented the two-seat Dundee constituency alongside Labour candidate ED Morel.

Scrymgeour was an MP for almost 10 years. Scrymgeour&rsquos zeal for clean-living was never unbowed and he became an evangelical Chaplain among the city&rsquos poorest at East House and Maryfield Hospital in Dundee.

He was succeeded by Florence Horsbrugh, Dundee&rsquos first female MP. She was also first Conservative to represent the city &ndash as much of a surprise then as it would be today.

For many of Dundee&rsquos reformers, time spent abroad had a lasting effect on their thinking.

George Kinloch, who was born in Dundee in 1775 became the first MP for Dundee when it was given a seat in Parliament in 1832. He had travelled to France as a young man and at the age of 22 watched as the monarchy and aristocracy crumbled and a republic was established.

The Kinlochs were wealthy landowners, but his experiences in France had shaped his political views. He bought a large amount of land in Angus in 1808, but provided grants to prospective tenants and in 1814 was pivotal to the harbour extension at Dundee.

Kinloch&rsquos popularity waned with his years of campaigning for reform of Parliament &ndash so much so that he was forced to escape to France. With the blessing of George IV, however, he was free to return. Just a year later in 1832 he became MP but died just two months after taking up his seat.

Peggy Hughes

Peggy manages Literary Dundee, a University of Dundee initiative that celebrates books, reading and writing.

Literary Dundee was included in the List Magazine's Hot 100, their annual celebration of the figures who've contributed most to the cultural landscape during the year.

She has worked for the University since 2013 and before that worked with literary organisations such as the Scottish Poetry Library and the Edinburgh UNESCO City of Literature Trust.

Peggy works with books in her spare time too - interviewing authors at events and festivals, talking about books on the radio and other platforms. She sits on the board of the Craigmillar Literacy Trust and Highlight Arts, and when not reading or talking about books, enjoys walks, Scrabble, tweed, singing tunelessly, and cake.

Peggy was listed at number 51 in the Courier's Impact 100 2016 (their 'annual review of the people who have done the most &mdash good or bad &mdash to affect life in Courier country') for services to Dundee's cultural life.

Watch the video: . Bach. Mit Fried und Freud ich fahr dahin, BWV 125 Herreweghe


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